May 25, 1942
Palazzo Venezia
Rome, Italy
Dinner was a delirious spectacle—three courses of decadence, drowned in wine and lacquered with opera. I barely tasted a thing. I haven't truly tasted anything since 2023. Since five guys. Since Bonchon's fried chicken. Since Sofie. Since the scent of Pantene Pro-V in her damp black hair as she leaned on me in DC while walking home from a day at the museum. All of that—gone. Now I dealt with foie gras, veal, and the stench of history dying in real time.
My puppets—no, my unwitting slaves—sat around the long mahogany table like actors on the final night of a doomed play. Louis Napoléon of France, still playing emperor in a suit three sizes too tight. Franco, smelling faintly of incense and gunpowder. Horthy, old-world charm and new-world insecurity. Kvaternik, my Croat lapdog, more manageable than that insufferable fanatic Pavelić. Vërlaci of Albania, Saadeh of Syria with those big dreamy pan-Syrian eyes, Pangalos of Greece wheezing through every syllable, Tsar Boris III, King Michael I, Avraham Stern—the fire-eyed ghost of Zion—and Figl of Austria, that spineless pragmatist. And even Imam Yahya from Yemen, in robes that whispered across the marble like a threat.
It was my Legion of Doom. My Axis of Style. My neofascist fever dream with an Italo-disco beat.
I finished my glass of Chianti, snapped my fingers like I was directing a scene from American Psycho if it were dubbed in Japanese with Tatsuro Yamashita playing in the background.
From the shadows, my aides emerged—silent, black-suited specters—and handed each man two folders. One red. One blue. The colors of destiny. The colors of madness.
"Open the blue folder," I instructed coolly, my voice like ice under pressure. The translators murmured the order in a dozen accents.
They opened them. Pages rustled like a paper hurricane.
Franco was first to speak, because of course he was. "What is this?"
"That," I said, pouring myself another glass, "is the future. Missiles that fly across continents without a pilot. Bombs so vast they can erase a city in a blink. We stole it all from the Germans while they were too busy shooting Jews to notice."
I let it hang.
I smiled. Not because it was funny. But because it hurt. Because this wasn't my world. This wasn't home.
"And of course," I went on, slow and deliberate, "these aren't gifts. They're investments. The price… is in the red folder. And if you take it, the nukes are all yours to use."
Rustling again. Eyes widened. Palms sweated.
"The Mare Nostrum Economic and Security Framework?" Louis Napoléon asked, puzzled, as if he had just stumbled upon the final level of a game he didn't know he was playing.
I nodded. "My masterpiece," I thought. "My Economics major finally paying off. Poli-sci minor too, God rest my GPA."
The folder contained the blueprint of a new world—a synthetic beast cobbled from the bones of the EU, NATO, the WTO, and whatever twisted dreams I half-remembered from late nights watching documentaries while half-drunk during peace corps service.
"This," I announced, rising to my feet with theatrical flair, "is our future. Bound by war, yes—but we must go further. We must become an empire of systems. Unified, interlocked, indivisible. Capital, labor, steel, uranium—all flowing freely between us. Like blood."
I paced the room now, drunk on the music in my head—Miami Sound Machine's Conga pounding in rhythm with my heartbeat.
"The Soviets are building their own bombs. So are the Americans. If we don't bind ourselves now, we will be swallowed—devoured—by their ambitions."
I looked at each of them, let the silence do the damage. I imagined them replaced by holograms, anime filters, neon lights flickering behind their heads.
"But together?" I hissed. "Together, we exceed them. Together, we crush them."
I slammed my hand on the table. "We create a common market. Free movement of capital, workers, services. Unified scientific and military research. Nuclear collaboration. A joint command structure. If one is attacked, all respond. If one falls behind, all advance to pull them forward."
I took a breath. I could feel the world tearing at the seams behind my eyes.
"I know what you're thinking," I added with a smile, as if I were pitching a startup in Silicon Valley. "This sounds impossible. Too complicated. Too modern."
I leaned forward. "That's because it is. Welcome to modernity, gentlemen. I've seen the future, and either we adapt, or we die."
Silence again.
I sat down, suddenly tired.
Outside, the eternal Roman night continued. The air buzzed with ghosts. Somewhere, in my head, Laura Branigan's Self Control started playing.
And all I could think about… was how much I missed air-conditioning.
The air was thick now—perfumed with cigar smoke, fear, ambition. The kind of atmosphere where dreams either bloom or rot.
Franco looked skeptical, his thick fingers twitching like he was resisting the urge to reach for a pistol or a rosary. "A single market between Spain and Jews? Albanians and Austrians? Greeks and Syrians? You're mad."
I leaned back in my chair, fingers steepled like a villain in an 80s anime. "Yes. I am mad. Mad enough to know that the current order is already dead. We are the worms eating its corpse—and we may as well feast together."
Kvaternik glanced up. "What about tariffs?"
"Gone," I said. "Phased out over five years. Uniform import-export regulations across all member states. We'll create a shared customs union with centralized border enforcement. Call it 'MareCom' or some other soulless technocratic acronym. It doesn't matter. The illusion of structure is enough to keep the bureaucrats happy."
Vërlaci nodded slowly. "And labor?"
"Free movement," I said. "Any worker from any member state can live and work in another. Think of it—Spaniards building railroads in Syria. Greeks running Croatian shipyards. Yemenis engineering Austrian turbines. A symphony of labor. A marketplace of blood and steel." Italian economic dominance, all these other nations were either too destroyed by war or too economically weak to resist.
Boris III stroked his mustache. "That will provoke unrest."
"Yes," I said, grinning. "It will. And when it does, we will crush it. Together. Unified police and intelligence services. Cross-border paramilitary teams. Interpol, another soulless acronym for us to use."
Figl cleared his throat meekly. "And the currency?"
"Phase One: national currencies tied to a shared index—call it the Aquila Standard, based on a basket of commodities: gold, oil, uranium, and wheat. Phase Two: a unified currency. A new lira, or a new name entirely—Solidus, like the old Roman currency." I looked into the distance like I could already see it minted and gleaming, spinning in slow motion to the sound of Take on Me.
"But who controls it?" asked Stern, eyes narrowing. "Who sets interest rates? Who decides inflation targets?"
Ah, the Israeli ghost speaks. I met his gaze. "A central bank. Rotating presidency. Based in Rome for optics. Staffed by technocrats loyal to the vision, not to any single nation. Quiet, clean men with cold eyes and no souls. Like the ECB, but with balls." Lies, OVRA would be all over them, dancing to my tune while they thought they were free.
There were murmurs now—nervous, curious, intrigued. They were hooked. You could see it in the way their fingers touched their folders again, like addicts stroking the last cigarette in the pack.
"And the military?" Pangalos wheezed. "We share doctrine, but what about command?"
"Unified Strategic Command headquartered in Rome. Each member contributes a minimum 5% of GDP to defense. Centralized logistics. Interoperable equipment. Shared bases. Cross-training. Intelligence fusion. You attack one, you attack all." NATO but with a fascist aesthetic.
Franco sneered. "You expect Spain to hand over its autonomy?"
"No," I replied, sipping from my glass. "I expect you to pretend you are, while getting rich, strong, and indispensable. Sovereignty is the sugar pill. Integration is the medicine."
Stern leaned forward, fingers pressed together. "What about Palestine?"
"Yours," I said. "You'll have your Israel like we agreed to don't worry—backed by the might of this new order. But only if you stay useful, and only if you keep the Soviets, Americans and British out of the middle east along with Syria over there. And no atrocities this time, I don't want to see Arabs expelled, or murdered en masse. Treat them as second class citizens, segregate them like the Americans do with the blacks. But I don't want bad PR. We're not Germany or Turkey."
He sat back. No smile. Just calculation. I respected that.
Across the table, Saadeh and Yahya exchanged glances, already calculating their own angles.
"Make no mistake," I said, standing again, pacing like a panther in a glass cage, "this is not about fairness. This is not about democracy. This is about survival. This is about power. We will be the heart of a new world economy. We will carve the future like a disco ball made of steel and napalm."
I paused dramatically. The silence was almost religious.
"All you have to do… is sign."
Outside, the sun was setting over Rome. Inside, something else was rising—something twisted and new.
And in the back of my mind, Ana Torroja was singing softly in Spanish about lost love.
It was Louis Napoléon who finally stood up.
Not Franco, not Pangalos, not the imam—no, the French pretender, with his waxy hands and long Bourbon face, had apparently had enough. He stood with the pomp of a man who'd once watched his ancestor lose an empire and decided, inexplicably, to try again.
"This is madness," he said coolly, eyes scanning the room for support. "You speak of markets and missiles, of unity and annihilation, but all I see is an Italian empire in disguise. Rome at the center of a black sun. I did not see my family's throne restored to become a satrap."
A few nods. Figl. Kvaternik. Even Franco gave a grunt, which was about as close to agreement as he ever got without shooting someone.
Napoléon went on: "If we sign this… this red folder, we become nothing but tributaries. You speak of unity, but all roads still lead to you."
I smiled. Not the gracious kind, but the type you learn in back rooms, the kind that smells like blood and glue and mother's perfume.
"What other choice do you have?" I said. "Do you think Britain or the US will let you keep Wallonia? Luxembourg? The Rhineland? Who will help you reconquer Africa?"
I stood up slowly. Chair scraping against the marble like a blade on bone.
"I don't need you to like this, Louis. I don't need you to understand it. I need you to sign."
The room stiffened.
"I have given you everything. You rule Paris only because I allowed it. You eat from my hand and then choke on the bones, crying tyranny? What a joke."
I turned to the others.
"Do you think this world will wait for us? Do you think the Americans will share their economy? The Soviets their science? Do you think Churchill dreams of treaties with men like us? No. They dream of our overthrow, of us becoming puppets to their stupid dreams of freedom, democracy, secularism and godlessness. They dream of our children shot in basements. We are the last kings of a dying age, and I offer you a lifeline."
I turned back to Napoléon.
"You speak of empires? Then speak of yours—your empire died whimpering at Waterloo. Mine marches from Anatolia to the Alps. Mine was carved with fire and salted with blood. I, am a monster, I have killed millions."
Napoléon clenched his fists. "You mistake fear for respect."
"No," I said coldly, stepping closer. "I command both."
There was a beat of silence. The kind that smells like metal.
"Leave if you must," I whispered. "Run back to your Parisian dollhouse. But know this—when the atom burns the sky, when the ice melts and the oil runs dry, you'll come crawling back. You all will. And when you do, I may not answer the door."
Napoléon sat back down.
Franco shifted in his seat and muttered, "So what's Phase Three?"
I grinned.
"Phase Three? Total domination. Africa was just a start. The Soviet union will collapse on its own weight. The Americans and British will be spent. Once it happens, we move in. The world is ours for the taking. We just need to take it."
And deep inside my head, Maria Takeuchi sang "Plastic Love" in a looping tape of echoing synth, while I watched the future bow its head in this smoke-filled room.
May 26, 1942
Palazzo Venezia, Rome
Hall of Constantine
The hall was dressed like a corpse ready for burial—marble polished, flags raised, and the Vatican choir humming something tragic in the rafters. A thousand-year empire, reborn under halogen lights and gilded eagles. I stood on the dais beneath a fresco of Constantine, staring down with mad, conquering eyes, and thought:
"This is it. The new Pax Romana. Or at least the trailer."
My boots clicked against the floor as I strode out, slow and deliberate, tailored black uniform cutting a silhouette of iron against red velvet banners. Every camera lens, every quivering hand from Reuters to The times, captured the moment like it mattered. I made sure of that. Image is god.
Before me sat the rulers, the warlords, the strongmen and ghost-puppets I had assembled. Franco—stoic, unreadable. Pangalos—already sweating. Saadeh—feigning detachment with a cigarette that trembled. Horthy, Kvaternik, Vërlaci, Figl. They were all here. They hadn't slept. I had. Dreamless, precise sleep. Like a machine on standby.
Each of them had a pen and two identical documents before them, one in Latin, one in their own tongue. The Mare Nostrum Economic and Security Framework.
My magnum opus. A malicious blend of Bretton Woods, the ECSC, NATO, and a little bit of Chicago School sadism—masquerading as harmony.
A translator read aloud in crisp, mechanical Latin:
"An agreement of mutual sovereignty, market integration, military alliance, and shared scientific advancement. In defense of civilization. In defiance of decay."
I stepped forward. Cleared my throat. The mic crackled.
"Gentlemen," I said. "We are not signing a treaty. We are not aligning for convenience. This is not a pact. This is a severance."
I let the echo ring.
"A severance from the Old World. From the Anglosphere. From America. From Marx and Mammon. From Versailles, from Wilson and Lenin and Roosevelt and every corpse that ever drew lines in blood and called it peace. This is our world now. Ours. And like the sea that binds us, it has no borders, only depth."
No applause. Only breath. Good.
I pointed to the papers. "Let us begin."
And one by one, they did. Theodoros Pangalos signed first—trembling hand, shaking glasses. Franco next, curt and resentful. Even Louis Napoléon, who had growled defiance the night before, scribbled his name like it was a resignation letter to history.
When it was done, I signed last. In red ink. A single, violent slash: B. Mussolini.
Then I turned to the press.
"Let it be known," I said, "that today, May 26th, 1942, the Mare Nostrum Economic and Security Framework is born."
Cameras flashed. Somewhere, a marching band erupted in the distance.
"We are now one market. One war engine. One voice. One trigger. If one of us is attacked, all of us respond. If one of us innovates, all of us rise. The seas are ours. The skies are ours. The future is ours."
A long pause.
"And God help whoever tries to stop us."
That night, as fireworks bloomed over the Tiber, I sat alone in my office with a glass of brandy, whispering along to Simple minds playing over and over again in my head.
"Dont you, forget about me…"
The world had just changed forever. And all I could think of… was Sofie's laugh back in a world that didn't exist.
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OFFICE OF STRATEGIC SERVICES (OSS)
Washington, D.C.
PSYCHOLOGICAL PROFILE — BENITO MUSSOLINI (ALIAS: IL DUCE)
Compiled: June 4, 1942
Classification: TOP SECRET
Prepared by: Dr. Samuel Worthington, Section X (Behavioral Intelligence & Enemy Personalities)
SUBJECT: Benito Amilcare Andrea Mussolini
DOB: July 29, 1883 (Subject claims to be 58)
CURRENT POSITION: Duce of Italy, Founder of the Mare Nostrum Economic and Security Framework
ALIAS KNOWN TO INTELLIGENCE: "The Mediterranean Napoleon," "The Architect," "The Phantom of Palazzo Venezia"
EVALUATOR'S SUMMARY:
Subject presents signs of profound psychological dissociation from conventional reality, operating in a constructed delusional framework that fuses messianic purpose with personal trauma. Highly intelligent, obsessively structured, and increasingly erratic in both ideology and presentation. He is not insane in the legal sense—rather, he is unmoored from the emotional framework that governs normative political behavior.
I. INTELLECTUAL PROFILE:
Subject possesses an unusually high capacity for abstraction and systems thinking. Evidence suggests extensive academic grounding in both economics and political theory, possibly at graduate-level Western institutions. Despite his fascist exterior, subject appears to draw heavily on liberal institutional design, evident in the recent Mare Nostrum proposal, which mirrors elements of the League of Nations, European Common Market, and American federalism.
He is fluent in multiple languages and demonstrates an uncanny ability to read his interlocutors, often shifting tone and rhetoric to align with cultural or historical tropes (e.g., invoking Roman imperial imagery with Greeks, Islamic unity with Yemenites, pan-Latin solidarity with Francoists).
His speeches blend technocratic detail with near-religious fervor. OSS operatives have compared his oratory and style to a cross between Franklin D. Roosevelt and a manic televangelist.
II. PSYCHOSEXUAL & PERSONAL BEHAVIOR:
Though publicly ascetic and stoic, multiple sources within his cabinet and staff indicate compulsive humming along to foreign music, especially what he refers to Japanese "City Pop" and ballads from the "80s". These musical episodes often occur late at night, alone, sometimes for hours. Handlers report melancholic behavior afterward, especially when songs reference lost love, technology, or family.
Subject occasionally references entities or objects that do not exist within the known world of 1942—examples include "smartphones," "Tokyo subways," and "Bluetooth speakers." We hypothesize these may be codewords or symptoms of a dissociative fugue state.
He maintains no known intimate relations save for his wife Rachele. Subject used to have a relationship with mistress Clara Petacci but seemingly broke it off after a particularly intense psychotic episode. Subject appears to be emotionally fixated on individuals not present in his current reality. He has been recorded whispering names like Anna, Lucia, and Sofie to himself. No corroboration has been found for these persons.
III. POLITICAL PSYCHODYNAMICS:
Mussolini is not merely a fascist ideologue—he is a meta-ideologue. He views ideologies as tools, not moral truths. Power is his only fixed axis. He is Machiavellian to the extreme, yet cloaks his machinations in elaborate philosophical justifications—often quoting Nietzsche, Marcus Aurelius, or obscure French sociologists.
His Mare Nostrum framework is not a dream of unity—it is a containment system, a web in which he places lesser rulers like insects to be fed upon as needed. He believes himself to be Europe's last great man, a final bulwark before "the machines and the accountants destroy the spirit."
IV. THREAT ASSESSMENT:
Subject is uniquely dangerous due to:
1. His ability to fuse disparate nationalist movements into a coherent bloc.
2. His deep understanding of economics, logistics, and statecraft.
3. His utter disregard for moral limits or historical precedent.
4. His obsession with nuclear weapons as both a deterrent and a ritualistic symbol of modern divinity.
We classify Mussolini as a Class A Strategic Threat, on par with Hitler but far more dangerous.
---
RECOMMENDED ACTIONS:
Increase psychological warfare campaigns targeting Mussolini's internal sense of displacement and longing.
Monitor all radio broadcasts from Italy for embedded code or irregular references.
Discredit Mussolini's intellectual consistency by leaking contradictory writings and exposing moral hypocrisy.
Establish a deep-cover operation to recruit psychiatric professionals in neutral Europe for a remote analysis cell (codename: Mirage).
Prepare for the possibility that Mussolini may not fear nuclear retaliation—and may even welcome it as a path to historical martyrdom.
"He does not seek to conquer the world. He seeks to rewrite it."
—Final note from Dr. Worthington